As my dedicated readers know, I’m a fan of publishing my blog posts as a series. I believe Tales from the Army of the Potomac lends itself to the telling of multiple, interlocking stories. Consequently, this post is going to be the start of another long
set. I’d like to tell the tale of one of the Army of the Potomac’s “heavy
artillery” regiments, the 7th New York.
Most Civil War buffs have heard the general story of the heavy
artillery regiments. In 1862, under Abraham Lincoln’s call for “300,000 more,” the northern
states recruited a slew of regiments to occupy the ring of earthworks
that encircled Washington, D.C. For two years, the “heavies” occupied the
defenses of the nation’s capital, and then, in mid-May 1864, Lt. Gen. Ulysses
S. Grant ordered them armed and equipped as infantry and integrated into the ranks of the Army of the Potomac.
Unsurprisingly, the Army of the Potomac’s veterans did not welcome the newly-arrived heavy artillerymen with open arms. Quite the contrary, they universally derided them as “band box soldiers,” recruits who had sat out the war inside the comparatively safe confines of Washington City. When they arrived at the front, the veterans often sneered at them, calling them “Abe’s Pets” or “Paper Collar Boys.” One heavy artillery officer recalled that, as soon as his regiment joined the Army of the Potomac, “We were frequently saluted by the old campaigners near whose camps we passed, with ‘What division is that?’ ‘How are your heavy Infantry?’ ‘What’s the size of your siege guns?’ ‘How are the fortifications?’ and other equally pointed and aggravating interrogations, to all of which the men either turned deaf ear or replied with becoming emphasis.”
Unsurprisingly, the Army of the Potomac’s veterans did not welcome the newly-arrived heavy artillerymen with open arms. Quite the contrary, they universally derided them as “band box soldiers,” recruits who had sat out the war inside the comparatively safe confines of Washington City. When they arrived at the front, the veterans often sneered at them, calling them “Abe’s Pets” or “Paper Collar Boys.” One heavy artillery officer recalled that, as soon as his regiment joined the Army of the Potomac, “We were frequently saluted by the old campaigners near whose camps we passed, with ‘What division is that?’ ‘How are your heavy Infantry?’ ‘What’s the size of your siege guns?’ ‘How are the fortifications?’ and other equally pointed and aggravating interrogations, to all of which the men either turned deaf ear or replied with becoming emphasis.”
Clearly, when the heavy artillery regiments joined the Army
of the Potomac, they had yet to earn their place in it. Further, that place had to be earned in blood. This is the story of one particular heavy artillery regiment—Albany’s 7th New York—which fought as part of Brig. Gen. Francis Barlow’s 1st Division, 2nd Corps. By
the end of the Overland Campaign, the 7th New York Heavy Artillery
had bled itself dry. In May 1864, it departed for the seat of war with 1,850 men on its roster,
but it returned only 381 survivors at its muster-out in August 1865.
As you might imagine, the 7th New York Heavy Artillery felt the rampaging maw of the Overland Campaign like no other Union unit. One of Albany’s newspaper correspondents said simply, without much exaggeration: “No regiment in the Army of the Potomac can show a brighter record, or one which has suffered equal to the 7th since it went to the front.”
As you might imagine, the 7th New York Heavy Artillery felt the rampaging maw of the Overland Campaign like no other Union unit. One of Albany’s newspaper correspondents said simply, without much exaggeration: “No regiment in the Army of the Potomac can show a brighter record, or one which has suffered equal to the 7th since it went to the front.”
But let’s not get ahead of ourselves. First, we have a few questions to answer.
How did the 7th New York Heavy Artillery come
into existence and how did it experience its first battle?
First of all, the 7th New York Heavy Artillery began the war under a different name. When it entered into federal service, the War
Department called it the 113th New York Infantry. (However,
popularly, it was known by locals as the “Albany Regiment.” All ten of its
companies were recruited in the city or in the adjoining county.) Recruitment for
the 113th New York began on July 18, 1862, and due to its popularity
(and also due to a generous enlistment bounty), the regiment filled to capacity in exactly
one month’s time. On August 18, 1862, the recruits took the federal oath of
allegiance, mustering into the service of the United States. The next day,
August 19, the regiment paraded through the streets of the city as an excited
populace bid the men farewell. A newspaper reporter commented: “Ten
thousand men and women lined the streets through which the regiment passed. No
equally intense enthusiasm has marked the departure of any regiment, since the
war began, and no finer body of men ever went to the tented field of any
country.”
At the docks along the Hudson River, the new soldiers loaded
onto barracks barges towed by USS Hendrick
Hudson, a captured Confederate blockade runner formerly known as CSS Florida. After a long trek down the
river, the regiment landed at Jersey City, where the soldiers received a batch
of Springfield rifled-muskets. While the troops were briefly quartered there, news reached them that the Army of
the Potomac was in pursuit of Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia, which was then wreaking havoc in Maryland.
Having received their weapons, the soldiers of the 113th expected to be sent to the front, to join the Army of the Potomac in the midst of the Maryland Campaign. But instead of entering the fray at Antietam, the War Department cautiously rerouted the entire regiment to the defenses of Washington. Once there, the 113th New York occupied a structure called Fort Pennsylvania (later renamed Fort Reno) in Tennallytown, a neighborhood on the northwest side of Washington D.C. For the next three months, the regiment performed guard duty along the parapet walls, and apparently, it did such a stellar job that the War Department intended to keep it there permanently. Thus, in mid-December, the federal government converted the 113th regiment into heavy artillery, and at that point, it took on its new name. For the next seventeen months, the 7th New York Heavy Artillery stayed in place, protecting its sector of the Washington earthworks. Over those months, the regiment grew in size. Not only did it gain two additional batteries—L and M—but the individual batteries themselves (the former companies) swelled with new recruits until the regiment contained more than 1,800 men.
Having received their weapons, the soldiers of the 113th expected to be sent to the front, to join the Army of the Potomac in the midst of the Maryland Campaign. But instead of entering the fray at Antietam, the War Department cautiously rerouted the entire regiment to the defenses of Washington. Once there, the 113th New York occupied a structure called Fort Pennsylvania (later renamed Fort Reno) in Tennallytown, a neighborhood on the northwest side of Washington D.C. For the next three months, the regiment performed guard duty along the parapet walls, and apparently, it did such a stellar job that the War Department intended to keep it there permanently. Thus, in mid-December, the federal government converted the 113th regiment into heavy artillery, and at that point, it took on its new name. For the next seventeen months, the 7th New York Heavy Artillery stayed in place, protecting its sector of the Washington earthworks. Over those months, the regiment grew in size. Not only did it gain two additional batteries—L and M—but the individual batteries themselves (the former companies) swelled with new recruits until the regiment contained more than 1,800 men.
The 7th New York Heavy Artillery’s sentry duty came to a sudden end on May 12, 1864. That day, as the Army of the Potomac pummeled
the Mule Shoe Salient at Spotsylvania Court House, Lt. Gen. Ulysses Grant directed the
Department of Washington to send 10,000 reinforcements to Virginia. The departmental commander, Maj. Gen. Christopher C. Augur, ordered thirteen heavy
artillery regiments to arm themselves as infantry
and prepare to march.
The 7th New York Heavy Artillery set out for its new assignment on May 15, 1864. That day, the regiment made a tiresome march to Belle Plains.
It rested near the steamboat landing for a day and then joined a makeshift division commanded by
Brig. Gen. Robert O. Tyler. Together with the 1st Maine, 1st
Massachusetts, and the 2nd and 8th New York Heavy
Artillery, the 7th New York marched south, reaching the Army of
the Potomac’s battlefield encampment at midnight, May 18. The exhausted troops
flung themselves onto the fields adjacent to the Fredericksburg Road, not far from the Ni River. Nearby was a farm owned by a man named Clement Harris.
The 7th New York saw its first combat the very
next day, May 19. Tyler’s division deployed northwest of the Clement Harris and Susan Alsop
farms, with orders to act as a rear guard, protecting the Fredericksburg Road. At 3 P.M., Lee’s Confederates assaulted the Union wagon trains that were moving south in the direction of Massaponax Church. Two gray-clad divisions—one under Maj. Gen. Robert H. Rodes and another
under Maj. Gen. John B. Gordon—tested their luck against the Union rear guard. Of course, the
Confederates had no idea they would be fighting against newly-arrived troops. Merely, they wanted a chance to plunder the valuable supply vehicles.
Although they had been part of the Army of the Potomac for
less than a day, the heavy artillery units were rushed to scene of the
fighting. One of Grant’s staff officers, Lt. Col. Horace Porter, discovered that Tyler’s
heavy artillery regiments were perfectly positioned to intercept the Confederate
attack. Approaching General Tyler, who he knew personally, Porter said,
“Tyler, you are in luck today. It isn’t every one who has a chance to make such
a debut on joining an army. You are certain to knock a brevet out of this day’s
fight.” Tyler reminded Porter that his troops were raw, but nevertheless, claimed to have faith
in their fighting abilities. The heavy artillerymen had been drilling relentlessly for the past two years. The Confederates would soon be on the receiving end of that rigorous discipline.
Following Grant’s orders, Tyler’s division deployed for
battle. The 7th New York took up a position near Susan Alsop’s
farm, marching west into a dense fir thicket. Soon, bullets began whizzing in,
clipping tree branches and causing the men to duck and weave. Unfortunately, as they
closed with the enemy, the New Yorkers suffered from the dissemination of incorrect information. Word
passed along the line that another friendly unit stood between them and the
oncoming foe.
Remembered Lieutenant Frederick Mather, “We . . . were told not to fire because several lines of our own men were ahead of us.” But no friendly unit actually existed. The only human beings ahead of them were Brig. Gen. Stephen D. Ramseur’s North Carolinians. The Confederates pushed their way through the fir thicket and right into the 7th New York. The first time the New Yorkers saw their foe, they seemed to rise “as if out of the ground and gave us a volley in our faces.” Not expecting to encounter enemy forces so soon, the New Yorkers were caught by surprise.
Remembered Lieutenant Frederick Mather, “We . . . were told not to fire because several lines of our own men were ahead of us.” But no friendly unit actually existed. The only human beings ahead of them were Brig. Gen. Stephen D. Ramseur’s North Carolinians. The Confederates pushed their way through the fir thicket and right into the 7th New York. The first time the New Yorkers saw their foe, they seemed to rise “as if out of the ground and gave us a volley in our faces.” Not expecting to encounter enemy forces so soon, the New Yorkers were caught by surprise.
A soon as the first well-aimed Confederate volley struck them, the New
Yorkers broke and ran. “That fresh troops should break under such circumstances
was only natural,” recalled Lieutenant Mather of Battery L, “and we did.” The
rout was chaotic, to say the least, and the Union line dissolved quickly, the
soldiers running zig-zagged to avoid colliding with the thick tree trunks and the low-hanging
evergreen branches.
Luckily for the Army of the Potomac (and for the 7th
New York’s reputation) the regiment’s rout was short lived. The density of the
thicket prevented the Confederates from pursuing. On the south side
of the Alsop Farm, the 7th New York’s two senior commanders, Colonel
Lewis O. Morris and Lt. Col. John Hastings, managed to rally their fleeing
troops. According to Lt. Mather, Colonel Morris rode along the line, chastising
them: “Men, don’t let the news of this break get back to Albany!”
These exhortations worked. The heavy artillerymen reformed
their lines and moved back into action. Although slightly shaken, they plunged into the woods and opened
fire. Lieutenant Mather expressed surprise that his regiment could recover its
courage so quickly. He remembered, “We were cooler now. We had been under fire
and most of us had lived through it. We went forward as steadily as the wild
forest would permit, passing obstacles like the well-drilled men that we were,
and this baptism of fire was all that was needed to make us soldiers.”
The sight of 1,800 Union troops storming into the woods
forced the Confederates to rethink their decision to plunder the Union wagon
train. Not expecting to encounter fresh troops—especially in such awe-inspiring
numbers—the rebels soon realized they had bitten off more than they could chew. All
along the line, the other heavy artillery regiments gave as good as they got,
forcing the Confederates to give way. Wisely, Rodes’s and Gordon’s men
fell back toward Spotsylvania. Although the fight at the Harris and Alsop farms were largely
inconclusive, the heavy artillerymen claimed victory, for they could accurately say they had driven the enemy from the field.
However, not every observer believed the 7th New
York Heavy Artillery had conducted its first battle wisely. A Union sharpshooter, Corporal
Wyman S. White, found himself passing the 7th New York as he ambled his way to the rear to refill his ammunition. As he watched the 7th New York
surge into the thicket (presumably the second time), he recollected, “As soon
as they got over the hill so the Johnnies could see them, they opened fire on
them from their pickets. The men were hit in considerable numbers. Still the
colonel, who did not seem to notice that his men were being killed, was making
strenuous efforts to keep the line straight. As the men advanced, a heavy
infantry fire from the Rebels was almost slaughter. The colonel dismounted
about this time but failed to do the right thing by ordering a charge or open
fire on the rebels.” According to White, the whole scene “made me disgusted
with the idea of perfection in drill of soldiers.”
As White told it, he alone saved the 7th New York
from further losses. Unable to keep quiet, White shouted, “For God’s sake, have
those men lie down!” Heeding Corporal White’s advice, the regiment went
prone, the colonel included. At some point, a staff officer came up and
informed the commander—presumably Colonel Lewis—that he should advance upon
the enemy quickly, even if the line was not straight.
As White later relayed, “Any veteran body of troops in the
same circumstances that the Seventh was in on that hill would have gone over
and down that hill like an avalanche and carried their objective if possible.
Or, in case they were repulsed, they would take advantage of the ground and
cover of tree and rock to cover them from the fire of the enemy. Thousands in
that corps of heavy artillery lost their lives through the inexperience of
their officers and the intense discipline of the men.”
According to statistics, we should consider White’s harsh opinion to be an accurate one. The 7th New York’s
attack at the Alsop Farm had been a costly endeavor. At the end of the day, the regiment counted up 76 losses. Sixteen officers or enlisted men had been
killed or mortally wounded. Another 51 were reported wounded and seven were listed
missing.
The Battle of the Alsop Farm had lasted about three hours—from 3 to 6 o’clock. During that bloody interlude, the 7th New York had paid dearly. A war correspondent guessed why:
The Battle of the Alsop Farm had lasted about three hours—from 3 to 6 o’clock. During that bloody interlude, the 7th New York had paid dearly. A war correspondent guessed why:
In these murderous wood fights, our veterans have learned all
the devices that are calculated to shelter them from fire, and will lie down
and take advantage of trees, stumps, &c., but the heavy artillery braves,
unused to this kind of craft, the moment they saw the enemy, blazed away and
rushed on. In consequence of this, their loss was quite heavy, and probably
reached 1,000 in killed and wounded. Perhaps it was also in consequence of our
heavy artillerymen’s proved courage, unused to this style of attack and not
exactly understanding it, that the Rebels gave way in confusion, scattering
through the woods. . . . The division of raw troops feel immensely tickled at
their success, and although their loss has been heavy, it is felt that the
diminution of numbers is made up by the increase of morale.
Perhaps the heavy artillerymen brought with them an
important asset: ignorance. With no knowledge of what a Civil War battle looked
like, they knew not why they should be afraid of one.
But that ignorance could be dangerous, as Corporal White
aptly observed. Unafraid of battle, many good men died because they lacked the good sense to lie down.
This is Corporal Wyman S. White, Co. F, 2nd U.S. Sharpshooters. On May 19, 1864, he observed the 7th New York Heavy Artillery as it entered its first battle. He was unimpressed.
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